When Africa awakes The "inside story" of the stirrings and strivings of the new Negro in the Western world — Text and Context

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Harrison, Hubert H., 1883-1927 Project Gutenberg 2023 Not confirmed
African Americans; United States -- Race relations; African Americans -- Race identity Readers of public-domain and historical texts
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Edition facts

Words 47,966
Reading time 209 min
Text sections 15

The catalog record for When Africa awakes The "inside story" of the stirrings and strivings of the new Negro in the Western world — Text and Context provides practical reading context through 47,966 words, 3 hr 29 min estimated reading time, and 15 detected text sections.

The text analysis averages about 23.7 words per sentence, while the detected sections provide another way to judge how the source is divided.

Project Gutenberg metadata also associates the work with “African Americans,” connecting these edition facts with the source record’s subject description.

Hubert H. Harrison's 1920 collection of essays and speeches articulates a race-first political stance, critiquing white supremacy, labor unions, and mainstream socialism while advocating for Black self-determination and international solidarity.
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  • Text length15 pts
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The Liberty League of Negro-Americans, which was recently organized by the Negroes of New York, presents the most startling program of any organization of Negroes in the country today. This is nothing less than the demand that the Negroes of the United States be given a chance to enthuse over democracy for themselves in America before they are expected to enthuse over democracy in Europe. The League is composed of “Negro-Americans, loyal to their country in every respect, and obedient to her laws.”

The League has an interesting history. It grew out of the labors of Mr. Hubert H. Harrison, who has been on the lecture platform for years and is well and favorably known to thousands of white New Yorkers from Wall Street to Washington Heights.

Two years ago Mr. Harrison withdrew from an international political organization, and, a little more than a year ago, gave up lecturing to white people, to devote himself to lecturing exclusively among his own people. He acquired so much influence among them that when he issued the first call for a mass-meeting “to protest against lynching in the land of liberty and disfranchisement in the home of democracy,” although the call was not advertised in any newspaper, the church in which the meeting was held was packed from top to bottom. At this mass-meeting, which was held at Bethel Church on June 12, the organization was effected and funds were raised to sustain it and to extend its work all over the country.

Harrison was subsequently elected its president, with Edgar Grey and James Harris as secretary and treasurer, respectively. At the close of this mass-meeting he hurriedly took the midnight train for Boston, where a call for a similar meeting had been issued by W. Monroe Trotter, editor of _The Boston Guardian_. While there he delivered an address in Fanueil Hall, the cradle of American liberty, and told the Negroes of Boston what their brothers in New York had done and were doing. The result was the linking up of the New York and the Boston organizations, and Harrison was elected chairman of a national committee of arrangements to issue a call to every Negro organization in the country to send delegates to a great race-congress which is to meet in Washington in September or October and put their grievances before the country and Congress.

At the New York mass-meeting money was subscribed for the establishment of a newspaper to be known as The Voice and to serve as the medium of expression for the new demands and aspirations of the new Negro. It was made clear that this “New Negro Movement” represented a breaking away of the Negro masses from the grip of the old-time leaders—none of whom was represented at the meeting. The audience rose to their feet with cheers when Harrison was introduced by the chairman. The most striking passages of his speech were those in which he demanded that Congress make lynching a Federal crime and take the Negro’s life under national protection, and declared that since lynching was murder and a violation of Federal and State laws, it was incumbent upon the Negroes themselves to maintain the majesty of the law and put down the law-breakers by organizing all over the South to defend their own lives whenever their right to live was invaded by mobs which the local authorities were too weak or unwilling to suppress.

The meeting was also addressed by Mr. J. C. Thomas, Jr., a young Negro lawyer, who pointed out the weakness and subserviency of the old-time political leaders and insisted that Negroes stop begging for charity in the matter of their legal rights and demand justice instead.

Mr. Marcus Garvey, president of the Jamaica Improvement Association, was next introduced by Mr. Harrison. He spoke in enthusiastic approval of the new movement and pledged it his hearty support.

After the Rev. Dr. Cooper, the pastor of Bethel, had addressed the meeting, the following resolutions were adopted and a petition to Congress was prepared and circulated. In addition the meeting sent a telegram to the Jews of Russia, congratulating them upon the acquisition of full political and civil rights and expressing the hope that the United States might soon follow the democratic example of Russia.

_Resolutions Passed at the Liberty League Meeting_

Two thousand Negro-Americans assembled in mass-meeting at Bethel A.M.E. Church to protest against lynching in the land of liberty, and disfranchisement in the home of democracy have, after due deliberation, adopted the following resolutions and make them known to the world at large in the earnest hope that whenever the world shall be made safe for democracy our corner of that world will not be forgotten.

Harrison opens with a dedication to those who stood by him "in love, labor and sacrifice when the foundations were laid," signaling that this book is both a personal record and a political manifesto. The table of contents reveals a structure built around specific events—the East St. Louis horror, the mayoralty campaign of John Purroy Mitchell—and recurring targets: the Republican Party, the Socialist Party, and what Harrison calls "our professional friends." His voice is direct and confrontational, as when he tells white socialists, "We say Race First, because you have all along insisted on Race First and class after when you didn’t need our help."

The Rhetoric of Race First

Throughout the excerpts, Harrison's diction is deliberately polemical. He calls white socialists' arguments "radical scientific surface slush" and accuses Black leaders who serve white interests of being "lackeys." This combative tone is not merely stylistic; it reflects his conviction that polite appeals have failed. The phrase "Race First" becomes a recurring slogan, deployed in opposition to what he sees as the hypocritical universalism of white leftists.

Confronting White Institutions

The East St. Louis race riot of 1917 is another touchstone. Harrison uses it to illustrate the failure of both major parties and labor unions to protect Black lives. His treatment of the riot is not merely descriptive; it is framed as a case study in the inadequacy of existing political alliances. The chapter titles themselves—"Democracy and Race Friction," "The Negro and the Labor Unions," "Lynching: Its Cause and Cure"—indicate a methodical dissection of each institution's complicity.

The Voice of the New Negro

The use of the second person "you" is a deliberate rhetorical choice, turning abstract critique into a direct confrontation. Harrison also employs irony and sarcasm, as when he titles a section "U-need-a Biscuit"—a phonetic play on "United Negro Improvement Association" that mocks the organization's perceived subservience. This verbal playfulness coexists with a serious analytical purpose: to expose the gap between professed ideals and actual behavior.

Structure as Argument

The table of contents also reveals a pattern of pairing critique with prescription. Chapters like "The Problems of Leadership" and "The New Race-Consciousness" diagnose failures while pointing toward alternatives. Harrison's dedication to those who "stood by my side in love, labor and sacrifice" personalizes this structure, reminding readers that the book emerges from lived experience, not abstract theory. The result is a work that functions as both a historical document and a tactical manual for the "New Negro" movement.

Harrison's When Africa Awakes rewards readers who attend to its rhetorical strategies as much as its arguments. The book is best approached as a series of interventions in specific debates, each shaped by Harrison's awareness of his audience—whether white socialists, Black voters, or the "New Negro" he seeks to mobilize. Readers should note how Harrison uses quotation, irony, and direct address to construct his case, and how the book's structure reflects his conviction that race, class, and empire are inseparable.

That rainy afternoon, Harrison’s fury filled my room, his call for Black self-determination burning through the damp air. But when I closed the book, a stranger quiet took over, like the garden after downpour. I reached for Hortus Vitae Essays on the Gardening of Life — A Closer Reading, and found tending, not fighting. A different kind of strength.

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